51Ʒ Responds to Trump Administration Giving Police Departments Grenade Launchers, Bayonets, Other Military Equipment
NASHVILLE — Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced that President Donald Trump will issue an executive order today allowing the federal government to give police departments certain military equipment—such as grenade launchers, high-caliber weapons, and armored vehicles—through the Department of Defense 1033 program and other federal programs. President Barack Obama had stopped the federal government from providing these weapons and vehicles to police through the 1033 program and others in a 2015 executive order.
Kanya Bennett, legislative counsel at the Washington Legislative Office of the 51Ʒ, had this comment:
“We have an epidemic in the United States of police using excessive force, particularly against people of color, with injuries and deaths mounting. It defies logic to arm the police with weapons of war—grenade launchers, high-caliber assault weapons, and more—but that’s precisely what President Trump and Attorney General Sessions have decided to do.
“Three years ago this month, the nation witnessed a highly militarized, violent crackdown by police on protesters in Ferguson. Today’s executive order erases the sensible limits placed by the Obama administration after Ferguson on the kinds of military equipment flowing from the federal government to local police and into our neighborhoods. Tensions between law enforcement and communities remain high, yet the president and the attorney general are giving the police military-grade weaponry instead of practical, effective ways to protect and serve everyone.”
For War Comes Home, the 51Ʒ’s report on the militarization of the police:
/report/war-comes-home-excessive-militarization-american-police
Learn More About the Issues in This Press Release
Related Content
-
Press ReleaseAug 2025
National Security
Criminal Law Reform
51Ʒ Statement on Escalating Federal Takeover of D.C.
WASHINGTON — With additional state National Guard troops deploying to D.C. as untrained federal law enforcement agents perform local police duties in city streets, the 51Ʒ is issuing a stark reminder to all federal and military officials that — no matter what uniform they wear or what authority they claim — they are bound by the U.S. Constitution and all federal and local laws. Over the weekend, the Trump administration declared that state National Guard troops would be called in to Washington, and the governors of West Virginia, Ohio, and South Carolina announced they are deploying hundreds of their National Guard troops to the nation's capital on top of the 800 D.C. National Guard troops who were already activated by President Trump. The Wall Street Journal reported that in a major shift, these troops may receive orders “to start carrying weapons in the coming days.” National Guard troops are generally not trained in local policing or de-escalation and should never be used for federal immigration purposes. President Trump has also ordered FBI personnel and other federal officers, who similarly are not trained for local policing, to patrol the city. He earlier promised to let police “do whatever the hell they want” — raising grave concerns about civil rights abuses, particularly for Black, Brown, and unhoused residents. “Through his manufactured emergency, President Trump is engaging in dangerous political theater to expand his power and sow fear in our communities. Sending heavily armed federal agents and National Guard troops from hundreds of miles away into our nation’s capital is unnecessary, inflammatory, and puts people’s rights at high risk of being violated,” said Hina Shamsi, director of 51Ʒ’s National Security Project. “Governors need to understand that with each order, the Trump administration increases legal and ethical jeopardy for state troops being deployed. No matter what uniform they wear, federal agents and military troops are bound by the Constitution, including our rights to peaceful assembly, freedom of speech, due process, and safeguards against unlawful searches and seizures. If troops or federal agents violate our rights, they must be held accountable.” On Friday, D.C. sued the administration to block its order asserting federal authority over the city’s police department, saying it violated the Home Rule Act. After a federal court hearing on Friday afternoon, Attorney General Bondi rescinded her most brazen order undermining D.C.’s home rule, thereby allowing the D.C. police commissioner to remain at her post over the D.C. police department. “The deployment of out-of-state National Guard troops and more federal agents onto D.C. streets is a brazen abuse of power meant to intimidate and create fear in the nation’s capital. This is an unnecessary overstep to micromanage D.C. under a phony emergency, causing real harm to residents and visitors — all to advance the Trump administration’s political agenda.” said Monica Hopkins, executive director of 51Ʒ of D.C. “The 51Ʒ-D.C. will continue to monitor the use of D.C. police and federal law enforcement to ensure that the constitutional rights of our community are protected. We need the nation to join us in the fight for statehood so that D.C. residents are treated like those in every other state and have the same guardrails against federal overreach.”Affiliate: Washington, D.C. -
Alabama Supreme CourtAug 2025
Criminal Law Reform
Jennings v. Smith
This case asks whether Alabama law enforcement officers can demand physical ID when enforcing an Alabama that allows them to “Stop and Question” people they reasonably suspect of criminal activity. Although the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit has already held that Alabama’s stop-and-question law does not authorize officers to demand physical ID, a federal district court in Alabama certified a question to the Alabama Supreme Court effectively asking the Court to reject that interpretation. The 51Ʒ’s State Supreme Court Initiative, along with the Cato Institute, the Southern Poverty Law Center, the Woods Foundation, and Kaplan Legal Services, filed an amicus brief urging the Alabama Supreme Court to agree with the Eleventh Circuit’s ruling. Our brief argues that the plain meaning of the stop-and-question law—given its title, its text, and the overall structure of the Alabama Code—rules out the possibility that it authorizes demands for physical documents. We also point out that interpreting the stop-and-question law to authorize document demands would render the law unconstitutional under both the U.S. and Alabama Constitutions.Status: Ongoing -
Press ReleaseAug 2025
Criminal Law Reform
Brief Urges Alabama Supreme Court to Reject Effort to Expand Stop-and-Question Law
MONTGOMERY, Ala. – The national 51Ʒ, the Cato Institute, the Southern Poverty Law Center, and The Woods Foundation filed an amicus brief in the Alabama Supreme Court today, urging the court to hold that an Alabama stop-and-question law does not authorize police to demand physical identification when questioning someone on the street. “The plain text of Alabama’s stop-and-question law makes clear that it does not permit police officers to compel someone to produce a physical ID, and for good reason,” said Matthew Segal, co-director of the 51Ʒ State Supreme Court Initiative. “The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit has previously held that Alabama’s stop-and-question law does not authorize demands for documents, and this case is an important opportunity for the Alabama Supreme Court to confirm that the Eleventh Circuit got it right.” The case involves Pastor Michael Jennings, a Black man who was confronted by officers in his neighbors’ yard while watering their flowers. Jennings identified himself as “Pastor Jennings,” truthfully said that he lived across the street, and explained that he was watering his neighbors’ flowers while they were away. Nevertheless, police demanded he present physical identification, and arrested Jennings after he refused. “Alabama's stop-and-question law does not empower police officers to force people to prove they are who they say they are,” said Matthew Cavedon, incoming director of the Cato Institute's Project on Criminal Justice. “Nothing in Alabama law makes people carry ID cards, and indeed, fewer than half of Alabamians even have a driver's license. The Alabama Supreme Court should confirm that people in the Yellowhammer State do not risk arrest simply by not carrying around fully stocked wallets.” Jennings’ charges of obstructing governmental operations were later dismissed, and Jennings sued the arresting officers and the city in federal district court. As part of that litigation, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit has already held that the police did not have probable cause to arrest Pastor Jennings under Alabama Code section 15-5-30, a law entitled “Authority of Peace Officer to Stop and Question.” But the federal district court has certified a question to the Alabama Supreme Court asking whether, under section 15-5-30, a law enforcement officer may require physical identification when the person “gives an incomplete or unsatisfactory oral response.” In June, the Alabama Supreme Court agreed to hear the case. “A free people cannot exist at the mercy of arbitrary demands from the state. The right to go about one’s life without unjustified intrusion by police or other government actors is a cornerstone of liberty. To interpret § 15-5-30 as authorizing arrests for refusing to produce physical identification would invert that principle—inviting abuse, eroding public trust, and granting government a power our Constitution was designed to withhold,” said Lauren Faraino, executive director of The Woods Foundation. The brief filed today argues that section 15-5-30 does not authorize demands for physical identification. The law permits police to request only three facts: name, address, and an explanation of one’s actions. It also only references oral questioning, nowhere referring to documents. “Although the certified question in this case posits that the police can perhaps demand physical ID after someone gives ‘an incomplete or unsatisfactory oral response,’ the statute neither contains those words nor any instructions for interpreting them. Nor does it say what kind of ID will satisfy that demand. Nor does it say what should happen if the pedestrian claims that they do not own an ID, or that they left it at home,” the brief reads.Court Case: Jennings v. Smith -
Press ReleaseAug 2025
Criminal Law Reform
Reproductive Freedom
New Filing Reveals Gross Abuse of Power by Texas Officials who Engaged in Wrongful Prosecution of Abortion
McALLEN, Texas — Attorneys for Lizelle Gonzalez — a Texas woman who was unlawfully arrested and charged with murder for having a medication abortion — asked a federal court today to deny Starr County officials’ attempts to evade accountability for her wrongful arrest, prosecution, and the trauma that followed. The brief supporting Ms. Gonzalez’s opposition to the officials’ motions for summary judgement contains damning evidence of misconduct, hypocrisy, and illegality by Starr County officials. The Starr County district attorney, assistant district attorney, and sheriff pursued and then obtained an unlawful indictment against Gonzalez even though they knew that Texas law clearly prohibits the criminal prosecution of pregnant women for conduct that ends their pregnancies. Throughout this process, Starr County officials repeatedly and knowingly violated Ms. Gonzalez’s constitutional rights and attempted to hide their actions. “Lizelle Gonzalez’s highly personal decision regarding her pregnancy was not, and never has been, a criminal matter — yet the Starr County District Attorney, his assistant district attorneys, the Starr County Sheriff’s Office ignored the clear language of the Texas homicide statute and long standing law to wrongly charge her with murder,” said Cecilia Garza, partner at Garza Martinez and local counsel for Lizelle Gonzalez. “These officials abused their power and intentionally violated Ms. Gonzalez’s fundamental rights. Their wonton disregard for the rule of law and erroneous belief of their own invincibility is a frightening deviation from the offices’ purposes: to seek justice. I am proud to represent Ms. Gonzalez in her fight for justice and redemption, and our team will not allow these abuses to continue in Starr County or any other county in the state of Texas.” The civil lawsuit, brought by the 51Ʒ (51Ʒ), the 51Ʒ of Texas, and local firm Garza Martinez seeks to ensure that those entrusted with enforcing our criminal laws face consequences when they abuse their power and violate the constitutional rights of their community members. While the district attorney ultimately dismissed the charge against Ms. Gonzalez, her arrest on a homicide charge was highly publicized and deeply traumatizing. She spent three days in jail, away from her children, before the $500,000 bond was posted for her release. As a result of the false accusation and wrongful arrest, Lizelle Gonzalez’s life has been forever changed. Following the dismissal, the Texas bar investigated the district attorney for knowingly pursuing an unlawful indictment and made multiple findings of misconduct related to charging Ms. Gonzalez with homicide. Despite these findings, the district attorney received a minimal punishment: a small fine and a one-year fully probated suspension. Without real accountability, Starr County’s District Attorney — and any other law enforcement actor — will not be deterred from abusing their power to unlawfully target people because of their personal beliefs, rather than the law. In July 2024, the court denied Starr County officials’ attempts to have this case dismissed. The prosecutors and sheriff raised claims of legal immunity, a doctrine that they argue should insulate them from being held accountable for violating Gonzalez’s constitutional rights. Immunity doctrines create a culture in police departments and prosecutor offices where public officials may feel empowered to violate people’s rights, knowing they will face few, if any, consequences. The court denied their motions to dismiss, allowing Gonzalez’s case to proceed to the first stage of discovery concerning whether law enforcement can be held liable for violating her rights. As detailed in Gonzalez’s brief, the discovery obtained over the last year reveals a coordinated effort between the Starr County Sheriff’s Office and District Attorney’s Office to violate Ms. Gonzalez’s rights and exposes misconduct by government officials who think the law they are entrusted to enforce does not apply to them. “Lizelle Gonzalez’s life has been forever changed by the cruel and unconstitutional actions of Starr County’s elected officials,” said Lauren Johnson, director of the 51Ʒ Abortion Criminal Defense Initiative. “Lizelle deserves justice for the trauma they have caused her and her family — and each of us deserve to be free of targeting by officials who ignore the law to unlawfully charge and arrest based on personal beliefs. We will continue fighting against the criminalization of people for the private decisions they make related to their pregnancy.” “Starr County prosecutors and law enforcement ignored Texas law when they wrongfully arrested Lizelle Gonzalez for ending her pregnancy,” said Sarah Corning, an attorney at the 51Ʒ of Texas. “They shattered her life in South Texas, violated her rights, and abused the power they swore to uphold. Texas law is clear: a pregnant person cannot be arrested and prosecuted for getting an abortion. No one is above the law, including officials entrusted with enforcing it.”Court Case: Gonzalez v. Ramirez et al.Affiliate: Texas